Hapax in Job. -d is probably due to the ARM origin of the word. There is an old tradition of translating this word as 'testiculus' (a recent discussion supporting this opinion see in [Pope Job 272]).
Jastrow's explanation as 'blown up' does not look convincing; a similar shift of meaning see in AKK pah_allu 'thigh' vs. 'penis' in other SEM (see *paḥ(a)l- 'penis', No. ) or in AKK birku 'knee; lap; male and female sexual parts' [CAD b 255]
Syrian Aramaic:puḥdā (-u- < *a in the vicinity of p ?) 'femur, clunis' [Brock 562]
Mehri:ǝfh_ād (to read ǝfh_ād_?), pl. fǝh_yōd_ 'flesh and bone of upper leg from knee to hip' [JM 110].
ǝfh_ād is likely to be a misprint in [JM], since all the derivatives have -d_ as the last consonant [ibid.]; cf., however, QISHN fh_ād 'cuisse' [SS L 2 216]
Jibbali:fah_d_ 'flesh and bone of upper leg from knee to hip' [JJ 67]
Harsusi:ǝfḫād_
Notes:SOQ fáh_id [LS 335], fh_ed 'cuisse' [SSL 4 87] must be an Arabism because of -h_- in place of the expected *ḥ.
Note a derived meaning 'tribe': ARM: PLM pḥd/pḥz 'tribal union'; ARB fah_id_-/fah_d_-/fih_d_- 'la plus petite subdivision d'une tribu' [BK 2 552]; ESA: QAT fh_d_ 'clan, family, sub-tribe' [Ricks 129]; MSA: MHR fǝh_ǝ́d_ǝt 'tribe' [JM 110], JIB fh_ǝ́d_ǝt do. [JJ 67], SOQ fâḥid 'peuple' (also fh_edeh, which must be an Arabism because of -h_-) 'peuple' [LS 335] (an areal Arabian semantic evolution?).
On this semantic shift see [M. Cohen Genoux], [Kogan, Militarev].
Akkadian:Cf. zibbānu '(sheep) with a large tail' SB [CAD z 100], [AHw 1523].
Both sources connect it with zibbatu 'tail' (see *d_a/inab- 'tail', No. ), but this would imply the form *zibbatānu and not zibbānu; in principle, the latter adjective may preserve an archaic form without the feminine suffix -at, though its interpretation as a derivative of the present root should not be disregarded
Arabic:d_ubābat- 'la queue' [BK 1 763]; d_uʔābat- 'queue; toupet' [ibid. 760], with different triconsonantization patterns
Geʕez (Ethiopian):zabān 'back, back part, tail' [LGz 631]
The AKK word may be alternatively related to *d_a/inab- 'tail' (No. ). ETH *zVbān- 'back' is also comparable to ARB zabbūnat- 'cou' [BK 1 972] to reconstruct SEM *zabV̄n- {} *ʒabV̄n- 'back, neck'.
Epigraphic South Arabian:SAB rgl 'foot' [SD 116], MIN rgl 'pied, jambe' [LM 77]
Notes:Note AKK rig/k/ḳlu OA translated as 'ein Ggst.' in [AHw 982] with a remark: "Gelb p. 63 f. zu wsem. ri/agl 'Fuss'?".
ETH *ʔǝgr 'foot' usually compared to this root (so [Kaye passim]) is not related; see *ʔi(n)gir-, No. .
Cf. JUD nigrā [Ja 902] <*ligr-, with dissimilation *l- > n- in the vicinity of -r-, and MND ligra 'foot, leg' [DM 235]; metathesis in both cases due to nearly complete incompatibility of r and l in SEM roots.
Cf. ESA: ḤḌR rgln 'fantassin' [LM 77], with a meaning shift.
[KB 1184]: HBR, UGR, ARM, ARB, ESA, GEZ (ʔǝgr); [Brock 712]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB, ESA, GEZ (ʔǝgr), AKK (riglu 'ungula'; not in [AHw])
Notes:Eth *ʔadim'(red) skin, leather' [LGz 8] is considered by Leslau a loan of Arb. ʔadīm-, "possibly from the red or brown color" (meaning Arb. ʔdm 'be brown' < Sem. *ʔdm 'be red'). Tgr ʔedo (Rein Beḍ 7; not in LH) 'haut' may be a loan from Beḍ.
